After Orbán: What Hungary’s Political Shift Means for Its Jewish Community
Relief over Orbán’s defeat is tempered by questions about Israel, antisemitism, and political stability
For years, Hungary stood apart from much of Europe in the eyes of many Jews: politically illiberal, yet visibly safe. While fears of antisemitism grew elsewhere in Europe after October 7, Budapest remained comparatively calm, and Viktor Orbán positioned himself as one of Israel’s closest allies in the European Union. Now, after Orbán’s electoral defeat, Hungary’s Jewish community finds itself caught between relief at the end of an authoritarian era, and uncertainty about what may come next.
April 12th marked a historical cornerstone in post-communist Hungarian history, when the political party of Fidesz was cast down after 16 years of consecutive and 20 years of total leadership. For Hungary’s estimated 75,000 to 100,000 Jews, the election results present an ambiguous outcome. Naturally, the vast majority of the community rejoiced over the results — given that according to analysts most Jews in Hungary are liberal — but not without the lingering feeling of doubt, especially concerning questions about the new leadership’s approach to issues of antisemitism and its relationship with Israel.
Will Hungary seize to be a safe Island in an
antisemitic sea?
Under Fidesz, Hungary was unique in Europe for its strong and open stance in favor of Israeli self determination, and denouncement of violent pro-Palestinian demonstrations. During his campaign, Peter Magyar remained quiet about his stance on these questions, which prompted worry in some members of the Jewish community. After all Hungary has been one of the rare safe locations in Europe to exist in as a Jew, and while violent pro-Palestinian demonstrations erupted in several Western European capitals after the October 7th attacks, Budapest remained largely calm. Members of the community here might protest against an illiberate state, but nobody wanted this safety bubble to burst.
That contradiction became even more prominent in the election campaign, after which Peter Magyar, the leader of the opposition, ultimately defeated Fidesz. He remained mostly silent regarding Israel and antisemitism, and the silence was unsettling for some Jewish voters. After all, Orban spent years strengthening his ties to Netanyahu and the state of Israel, positioning Hungary as one of Israel’s most outspoken allies. The fear amongst parts of the Jewish community was not necessarily that a new government would become openly hostile toward Jews, but rather that Hungary could begin to resemble other European states where anti-Israel rhetoric has increasingly blurred into antisemitism.
How the different Jewish communities approached Orbán
The controversy also highlighted a longstanding division within Hungarian Jewry, which is a landscape that differs greatly from that of many Western European communities. The largest organisation, Mazsihisz, serves as the umbrella body of the Neolog movement – a distinctive Hungarian branch of Judaism that emerged in the nineteenth century and stands somewhere between Orthodox and Reform traditions. Alongside it stands EMIH, affiliated with the Chabad-Lubavitch movement, which has expanded the number of its community members significantly since the 2000s.
These two organisations often adopt different approaches towards the Hungarian state: EMIH has generally maintained close relations with Viktor Orbán’s government and emphasised its role in safeguarding Jewish life. Meanwhile Mazsihisz has been more critical of the government’s nationalist rhetoric, especially regarding the country’s involvement in the Holocaust, which was a uniquely active and eager one.
Peter Magyar meets the Rabbi
Yet since the election, Peter Magyar has moved quickly to calm fears about the future of Hungarian-Israeli relations. According to several Hungarian media reports, Magyar has stated that he intends to maintain strong ties with Israel and continue strategic cooperation between the two countries. On Yom HaShoah, Holocaust Remembrance Day, he attended a memorial event organised by Mazsihisz, where he met Chief Rabbi Zoltán Radnóti, who later stated the following on his Facebook page:
„Within 24 hours, the designated Prime Minister made three very strong gestures toward both the Hungarian and Israeli Jewish communities: 1. Yesterday, he invited Bibi to Hungary. (…) 2. At the commemoration held on Hungary’s Holocaust Memorial Day, Péter Magyar and Anita Orbán unexpectedly announced late last night that they would attend. And they did come. 3. He shook my hand — something the previous Prime Minister failed to do in over 4+16 years.“
The problems and prospects of Hungary‘s special relationship with Israel
The most sensitive issue facing the new government concerns Hungary’s relationship with the International Criminal Court, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. In 2025, Orbán hosted Netanyahu in Budapest despite an ICC arrest warrant, and simultaneously announced Hungary’s withdrawal from the court. Peter Magyar has since stated that Hungary would halt its withdrawal and fulfil its obligations under international law, including enforcing ICC decisions if necessary. However, it remains to be seen how much of the ICC´s wishes will be enforced by Magyar if Netanyahu actually follows the invitation and visits Budapest.
At the same time, few expect Hungary to fully abandon its traditionally close relationship with Israel. Public support for Israel remains comparatively strong, and successive Hungarian governments have generally maintained ties with Jerusalem. The larger question is whether Hungary under Magyar will continue Orbán’s role as one of Israel’s most reliable allies within the European Union.
For Hungary’s Jewish community, the upcoming years might be defined by this uncertainty, although for many of them, it is a relief to see the end of Orbán’s authoritarian political system. Others worry that with Orbán gone, Hungary may lose the exceptional sense of security that distinguished it from much of Europe in recent years.
The election has therefore not produced a simple victory or defeat for Hungarian Jews. But it has surely exposed the community’s internal contradictions: liberal and security-conscious, critical of nationalism yet wary of instability, deeply attached to democratic values but also acutely aware of the growing antisemitism elsewhere in Europe. Although these tensions will now be of defining importance for the community, it is regardless a joyous time for most – even if the future remains difficult to predict.
Anna Csikós aus Budapest
